The emerging japanese state, through the one-eighth hundred, was commercially underdevelop even for its era. It was founded, furthermore, upon an imported taiwanese Imperial-Confucian sight of society, consisting largely of self-sufficient agricultural villages, coordinated and presided over by a modest, ritual-bound, central governing elect, ( 1 ) Some scholars question, furthermore, whether the japanese economy was sufficiently developed even to support this simple agrarian imperial model. ( 2 ) Yet Buddhism came to japanese shores at this fourth dimension, propelled by huge, if not always very firm, economic currents that were flowing across maritime and continental Eurasia in the early centuries of the Christian earned run average, from the Mediterranean world to India and China, and ultimately even brushing against Japan – for which the surviving evidence of Persian and other western motifs on japanese art objects from this period offers silent testimony. ( 3 ) These larger commercial waves may have only precisely barely reached Japan at this time, but they exerted a decisive impact however. Their relative disregard in conventional histories of the time period is attributable in part to their undeniably little scale, but besides to the limit rate of satisfactory elect interests in traditional East asian culture. The universe of merchants and tradesmen passed largely beneath the record notice of bureaucrats and literati, whose complacent view of the lives of commoners was confined largely to docile ( or, sometimes, rebellious ) peasant villagers. While this unitary confucian high culture is itself a thing of no little smasher, there are excessively many unaccounted for strangers passing furtively between the lines of the official histories. here, I wish to explore the degree to which the Buddhist transmission to Japan, and East Asia more generally, occurred beyond official notice or record, and was entangled with private and sometimes evening illegal international commercial activeness and population movements.
THE COMMERCIAL VECTORS OF EARLY BUDDHISM Buddhism traveled to East Asia along established deal routes, and swelled the preexistent volume of trade by itself creating modern religious incentives for travel, and a demand for imported religious articles. Buddhism legitimated private commercial wealth as a vehicle for serving sacred needs through generous donations, and Buddhism lubricated extraneous rally by overcoming narrow local prejudice with a radically more cosmopolitan, international, position. The developing cult of Avalokitesvara ( Ch., Guanyin ; J., Kannon ) as the patron bodhisattva of mariners besides gave the close courage to confront the inevitable perils of distant voyages. ( 4 ) buddhism was thus in many ways conducive to the growth of barter – and deal to the spread of Buddhism. In China Buddhism stimulated the practice of making pilgrimages – specially to Manjusri ‘s think of residence in the Wutai mountains – which in turn promoted the circulation of goods and ideas. ( 5 ) In 636, for exemplar, the Sillan ( Korean ) monk Chajang had an ( alleged ) encounter with Manjusri on Mt. Wutai, who bestowed upon Chajang a relic, valuable robe, and alms-bowl and recommended an equivalent pilgrimage site in Korea where “ ten-thousand Manjusris constantly brood ? The south indian brahman Bodhisena was drawn to make the voyage to Tang China by the entice of Mt. Wutai, but being informed upon arrival that Manjusri had been reborn in Japan, departed for Japan in 736. ( 7 ) Discounting the heaven-sent elements of these tales, it is well-defined that Buddhist faith occasionally acted as a spur to varied travel. religious practice besides demanded certain ritual commodities that could entirely be obtained from ( or through ) India. ( 8 ) Along the ancient central-Asian Silk Roads, “ among the indian export items Buddhist gear. .. probably dominated in terms of value. “ ( 9 ) In the South Seas the spread of Buddhism created a demand for “ holy place things ” in the fifth and sixth centuries – incense, icons, and early religious materials – which exceeded the earlier laic traffic in elite luxury goods. ( 10 ) In China Buddhism stimulated private production and distribution of copies of the scriptures and sacred images, and encouraged the early development of print technology – a popular commercial market for printed religious texts and calendars having developed during the Tang dynasty unnoticed by government officials, except in passing criticism. ( 11 ) Although the stick to succession of transactions refer official embassies -almost the only kind of bury national exchange that traditional East asian historians deigned to record – quite than secret deal, it however demonstrates how Buddhism could facilitate commodity exchanges linking Southeast Asia, through China, to Japan. In 503 King Kaundinya Jayavarman of Funan ( in what is now Cambodia and southerly Vietnam ) offered a coral Buddha in tribute to the Southern-dynasty Liang emperor of China ). ( 12 ) In 539 Liang sent a monk to Funan to receive a hair of the Buddha ; in 540 Funan requested Buddhist images and texts from Liang ; in 541 Paekche ( Korea ) requested Buddhist text from Liang. ( 13 ) In 542, then, Paekche sent offerings of Funan goods, and two slaves, to Japan. ( 14 ) The endowment of Funan goods was followed three years later by a Paekche confront of southerly taiwanese goods to the japanese outpost in Korea, coinciding with a royal Paekche Buddhist invocation calling for the religious handout of all things living under heaven. ( 15 ) buddhism prospered in China “ because it offered the Chinese unlimited means of turning material wealth into spiritual felicity ” : even the rich – particularly the fat – could earn salvation through generous sharing of their wealth with the Sangha. ( 16 ) The popularity in fourth and one-fifth century China of the Vimalakirti visualize, a comfortably affluent layman who was however spiritually impregnable, undoubtedly reflects the aspirations of many in his audience. ( 17 ) The Sangha was consequently liberally endowed by pious laymen, many of whom were no doubt landowners or officials, but at least some Of whom were merchants. “ South Sea traders all served with honor, ” for exemplar, a certain cardinal amerind monk ( Gunavrddhi, d. 502 ) who arrived in the Southern-dynasty chinese capital ( modern Nanjing ) circa 479, “ and made offerings as they came and went ” then that he became altruistically rich in the service of the Buddha. ( 18 ) The fiscal resources of the Buddhist Sangha became sol great that, in the fifth century, Wang Sengda ( 423-58 ) could use his official position to extort “ several million ” in cash from one monk. ( 19 ) In China the Sangha turned some of its huge resources to novel commercial purposes, lending out grain for a net income and experimenting with pawnbroking already in the fifth and sixth centuries. ( 20 ) D. D. Kosambi speculates that in India monasteries provisioned caravans and lend substantive capital to merchants in the early centuries of the Buddhist era, although early scholars carry agnosticism that amerind Buddhists would have participated so immediately in commercial action. ( 21 ) It remains plausible, however, that the early on Sangha did fill something of the role performed by the modern secular commercial infrastructure, facilitating fiscal services and long-distance communication. ( 22 ) contact between peoples belonging to different cultures can generate ethnic friction, and even open hostility. ( 23 ) Buddhism’s universalistic ethos helped to smooth over such parochial suspicions. ( 24 ) In East Asia Buddhist monks themselves initially presented a sincerely bizarre spectacle, with their uncover right field shoulders, saffron robes, sheared heads, and bare feet. ( 25 ) Individual Chinese, like the anchorite Gu Huan ( 420-83 ) and Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou ( r. 561-78 ), did object to these and other alien practices, but the Buddhist reply was that “ in the extremity of the Dao there is no. .. near or far, ” and that all such differences are simultaneously both relative and irrelevant : at one level the Chinese empire itself had incorporated a count of what had once been extraneous states and cultures, while at another tied China and India were similarly fair sub-regions in the huge region of the bang-up Buddhist Jambu Cakravartin king. ( 26 ) As the Chart ( Zen ) patriarch Huineng ( 638-713 ) is alleged to have quipped : “ For people there are north and south. For the Buddha-nature, how could there be ? “ ( 27 ) In Japan, the quarrel over whether or not to accept Buddhism, as it is presented in the surviving written sources at least, was couched in terms of the same opposition between native insular interests and internationality, with the latter finally winning, less for noble philosophical reasons than elementary realism : “ All the states of the western foreigners worship it – how could Japan alone turn its back ? “ ( 28 ) There is, of course, estimable reason for handling all such early japanese accounts with caution. They are the purposeful literary creations of late generations, not pristine archival records. still, the celebrated fib of Buddhist internationality triumphing over nativist exception in Japan may reflect some faint echoes of the true report. ( 29 ) The Buddhist spirit minimized regional differences. Prince Nagaya of Japan ( 684-729 ) reportedly ordered a thousand monks ‘ robes to be embroidered with the following passage : “ The mountains and streams of different lands contribution the wreathe and the moon of the like heaven. It is up to all the children of Buddha to bind their destinies together. “ ( 30 ) When Saicho ( 767-822 ) re-embarked for Japan in 805, following his brief knowledgeability into Tiantai ( Tendai ) Buddhism in Tang China, the chinese governor of Taizhou observed that, while “ in appearance the priest Saicho is from a extraneous land, his nature rightfully springs from the lapp beginning. “ ( 31 ) much as Christianity in Europe at about this same time fostered a smell of shared Latin civilization amid the cloisters of what were sometimes sincerely multiethnic monasteries, Buddhism in East Asia carried an external flavor. ( 32 ) When the Chinese monk Ganjin ( 687-763 ) set sail on his one-sixth and final undertake to introduce the proper Vinaya to Japan in 753, in addition to his Chinese party he brought with him in his cortege a Malay, a Cham, and another person vaguely described as Hu ( northwestern foreigner ). ( 33 ) THE ADVERSARIAL STATE, WANDERING MERCHANTS AND VAGABOND MONKS It is known that by the Tang dynasty a meaning bulk of shipping was arriving in China from the South Seas. When Ganjin passed through the southerly port of Guangzhou ( Canton ) on his devious route to Japan in the mid-eighth hundred, he found “ unknown numbers of amerind, iranian, South Sea and other boats, ladle with incense, drugs and precious things piled up like mountains, ” and he reported that “ an extremely great variety ” of foreigners “ come and go and reside there. “ ( 34 ) taiwanese sources normally merely record the arrival of official tribute-bearing embassies, and do not mention private vessels at all. In the absence of other data, the frequency of embassies is sometimes taken as an indication of the volume of nautical action in general. Sometimes it is even assumed that the record tribute-embassies were the merely alien contacts that took position any. Prior to the fifth hundred there were few tribute missions, although their number swelled to a crescendo in the one-fifth and one-sixth centuries. ( 35 ) In fact, however, there is considerable rationality to doubt the dependability of official embassies as any index for the volume of trade and a good likelihood that these statistics conceal a capital softwood of live private ship. ( 36 ) official political orientation in imperial China favored agriculture over deal, sometimes evening advocating “ restraining department of commerce with the law ” to encourage farming alternatively. ( 37 ) “ Craftsmen and merchant families eating off of jade green [ utensils ] and clothed in brocade, [ while ] farmers eat coarse grains ” was viewed as an impossible reverse of the proper social order, which put farming above all other non-governmental occupations. ( 38 ) even when not actively hostile to trade, members of the elect were at least dismissive of it, and legal restrictions, such as the Tang banish of 667 on artisans and merchants riding horses, were not rare in an early imperial China celebrated for its “ extreme physiocratic theories. “ ( 39 ) merely as normally, ordinary people attempted to evade these regulations. In the early Han dynasty, for exercise, it was reported that citizens in the Ba-Shu area of modern Sichuan state slipped out past the borders to trade illegally with Yunnan tribesmen for horses, servants, and cattle – causing the region of Sichuan to become ” affluent. “ ( 40 ) private trade therefore often took place outside the law, or at least beyond official cognizance. But it thrived, frequently, however. By the fourth hundred, the ( extralegal ) economic exuberance of the chinese Southern dynasties was making it “ difficult to maintain the traditional presidency and order of urban commercialize areas. “ ( 41 ) The very weakness of the country during the era of the Southern dynasties may have even contributed to their undoubted commercial prosperity. In line to the usual Chinese presumption of a close correlation coefficient between dynastic luster and cosmopolitan prosperity, a firm dynasty like the early nip might actually succeed in imposing ideal, but economically counter-productive, restrictions on trade, with the effect of stifling it slightly. In the public opinion of the japanese scholar Kawakatsu Yoshio, Sui-Tang military reunion of imperial China may have resulted in an overall reverse to the previously burgeoning southern commercial economy. ( 42 ) Tang, as an specially vigorous and brawny imperial dynasty, may have been relatively successful in its attempts to secure its borders and regulate trade. ( 43 ) An imperial command of 714, for exemplar, enumerated respective commodities that could not be allowed to pass into the hands of the foreigners living along the northwest frontier, while another decree of 743 ordered the arrant end point of barter across the western border, for strategic reasons, and despite its admit profitability.44 Early Tang efforts to limit extraneous submission to official tribute-bearing embassies were concentrated, however, on this militarily vital northwestern land frontier ( and diluted by sometimes preferably handily elastic definitions of both ” embassies ” and chinese “ citizenship ” ) ; maritime contact along the easterly coast seems to have been less of a concern, and possibly was interfered with less. ( 45 ) Tang legal restrictions, furthermore, proved ultimately to be an ineffective bar to foreign deal, and famously disintegrated towards the end of the dynasty. ( 46 ) even even in late Tang the submit still attempted to maintain a regulative border on to commerce, in 851, for example, mandating the appointee of officials to supervise the markets of all districts with three thousand or more households. ( 47 ) Although members of the socio-political elite themselves were not always above competing with commoners for commercial profit, the Tang politics remained decisively indifferent to commercial interests. ( 48 ) In 863, for example, officials created considerable straiten among the trade community when they randomly confiscated private merchant vessels, and jettisoned their cargoes, so that they could be used to planning troops by sea from Fujian to Guangzhou.49 Despite this official ignore, indirect evidence of flourishing sea-borne department of commerce, unrelated to any tribute embassies, is provided by the notoriously continuous, uninterrupted opportunity for official corruption presented by deal in the southerly ports, from the Han dynasty through the Tang. Guangzhou ( Canton ) and Jiaozhi ( a chinese administrative city in the vicinity of modern Hanoi ) were retentive known as places where merchants could become full-bodied. ( 50 ) Complaints of official extortion become endemic in the region angstrom early on as the former Han. ( 51 ) In the early fourth century, at a fourth dimension when tribute embassies were few, it is however reported that chinese officials in what is immediately northerly Vietnam made exorbitant demands upon the foreign merchants who came by sea, bringing gifts of valuable goods as bribe. ( 52 ) One contemporary brain explained that in Guangzhou there was a ” form of avarice, ” drinking from which caused officials to lose their incorruptibility. ( 53 ) Around the turn of the fifth century it was reported that the combination of economic opportunity and insalubrious climate insured that entirely corrupt and avaricious officials were bequeath to risk appointment to faraway southern Guangzhou. ( 54 ) official exactions continued into the Tang. For the year 817 it was observed : “ Foreign ships arriving at their moorings were taxed to drop anchor. When they first arrived, there was the entertain of the inspectors of the cargo – horn and bone in profusion, with bribes reaching even to their servants. “ ( 55 ) In the belated ninth-century, when the rebel Huang Chao ( d. 884 ) offered to surrender in change for appointment as Protector General of Annam ( Vietnam ) and military Commissioner of Guangzhou, he was rejected on the grounds that “ The profits from South Sea trade are incomputable. If a rebel obtains them he will increasingly prosper, while the department of state ‘s pulmonary tuberculosis will suffer. “ ( 56 ) All of this is indirect, but conclusive, tell of a reasonably substantial private maritime trade throughout this period, including intervals when tribute-missions were rare. far evidence of continuous private trade activity, tied as official embassies slowed to a trickle during the interim between the great mix Han and Tang dynasties, is provided by the number of Buddhist monks who are known to have come to China by ocean. ( 57 ) Kang Senghui ( “ the Kang – or central asian – monk Hui ” ; d. 280 ) is a good case. His family was in the first place from Samarkand, but had lived for generations in India. Kang Senghui ‘s parents moved to Chinese Jiaozhi “ on business, ” where both parents soon died. The orphaned Kang Senghui then became a monk, after completing the appointed mourning for his parents, and in 247 moved north to the capital of Three Kingdoms Wu ( modern Nanjing ), becoming allegedly the first sramana to appear there. He was reported to the toilet by an officer as “ a Hu, ” or Central Asian, “ calling himself a sramana, whose appearance and dress are not convention, ” and he subsequently made a favorable impression on the rule of Wu with his buddhist miracles. ( 58 ) The Kashmiri monk Gunavarman ( 367431 ) is another model. After being warmly welcomed in Java, he was “ beguiled ” to receive an official invitation from the emperor of Southern-dynasty Song China, and, traveling by ship through the port of Guangzhou, arrived at the Song capital in 431. ( 59 ) A brahman from cardinal India named Gunabhadra reportedly ” drifted with the ship across the ocean ” to Guangzhou in 435. ( 60 ) Going the other manner, the chinese monk Yijing ( 635-713 ) embarked upon a ocean trip to India aboard a bottom deviate from Guangzhou in 671. ( 61 ) Vajrabodhi ( in China 719 ) and Amoghavajra ( 705-74 ) must be counted among the most influential western monks in Tang China ; both “ followed the South Sea ” to Guangzhou. ( 62 ) Three subjects that mainstream traditional taiwanese historians rarely addressed were trade wind, Buddhism, and foreigners. In the sixth hundred the Buddhist generator Huijiao, for case, complained that despite the attainments of the Kushan lay Buddhist Zhi Qian ( flourished 222-ca. 253 ) at the court of Three Kingdoms Wu, and his contributions to the eastward dissemination of Buddhism, he was not reported in the chronicles of Wu because he was a foreigner – and this in malice of the fact that Zhi Qian ‘s syndicate had actually immigrated to China two generations earlier, in his grandfather ‘s time, and he had studied taiwanese before he learned to write any of the western languages. ( 63 ) Since we are concerned here with all three of these oft-neglected subjects, it is fortunate that there exists a large independent, unofficial, Buddhist literature, from which we may indirectly learn something about trade and immigration vitamin a well. political division in China, and the succession of Southern dynasties that were established beginning with Three Kingdoms Wu and Eastern Jin in the third and fourthly centuries, promoted the development of nautical trade through the South Seas merely because these politically struggling but commercially booming chinese states were cut off from the traditional Central Asian caravan routes to their union. ( 64 ) In the one-third hundred, already, Zhang Hua ( 232-300 ) could write that “ today those who cross the South Seas to arrive at Jiaozhi are without interruption. “ ( 65 ) On the Malay peninsula a principality called ( in Chinese ) Dunxun communicated with China to the east, and India and Persia to the west. “ In its markets over ten-spot thousand persons from east and west converge each day. There was no treasure or precious commodity they did not have. “ ( 66 ) Merchants from India and even more aloof lands “ frequently ” traded with Funan ( in modern Cambodia and southern Vietnam ) and the taiwanese administer regions of modern northern Vietnam during the menstruation of the chinese southerly dynasties. ( 67 ) THE “ INDIANIZATION ” OF SOUTHEAST ASIA This boom South Sea deal was encouraged by the constitution of a ” Sanskrit cosmopolis, ” a huge Indic oikoumene extending throughout closely all of South and Southeast Asia during the first gear millennium of the Christian earned run average, and marked by the consumption of Sanskrit as the universal lyric of celebratory populace inscriptions. ( 68 ) Although frequently described as a action of ” Indianization, ” no mastermind indian political domination, conquest, or colonization of the region was contemplated, nor was there even a single preexistent “ indian ” culture to expand across the region : “ In fact, a lot of India itself was being Indianized at the very same period as Java or Khmer nation – and in a barely different room. .. . “ ( 69 ) Any suggestion of sweeping physical indian colonization of the South Sea trading zone is decisively contradicted by the continuity there of quite unrelated austronesian languages, among which indian loanwords were restricted to Sanskrit terminology having narrowly elite religio-political applications. That the steering of population movement to some extent passed both ways is, furthermore, apparent from the apparent settlement of Madagascar sometime after 400 A.D. by Austronesian-speaking people coming from what is now southerly Borneo. Yet a thin, possibly, dispersion of actual persons from the indian subcontinent must have been substantive to the rise of ” Indianized ” communities in Southeast Asia, enabling the constitution of an overarching Sanskrit cosmopolis which embraced such diverse native lands. ( 70 ) China, excessively, was constructing its own “ universal ” Sinic world-order in East Asia at about this lapp time ; one forge, in this shell, chiefly by direct imperial conquest. But chinese merchants rarely ventured beyond taiwanese ports, and China played a largely passive function in the South Sea trade of this era : southeast Asians and Indians seem to have handled most of the transport anterior to the ascent of Arab deal in the mid-eighth century. ( 71 ) In Funan, “ Southeast Asia ‘s first state ” ( ca. first-sixth centuries ), an amerind brahman named Kaundinya became king in the deep fourth century, and reportedly altered its institutions to conform to indian usage. ( 72 ) early Indians are supposed to have ruled in Funan tied before that clock, and indian and flush Roman artifacts and inscriptions have been uncovered there by archeologists dating from american samoa early as the second century.73 Following the death of Funan in the early seventh hundred, the heavily Indianized Buddhist deal community of Srivijaya, on the island of Sumatra, rose to dominate Southeast asian craft for several centuries, beginning about 670. ( 74 ) On the chinese molding, in what is now central Vietnam, Austronesian-speaking peoples established a heavily Indianized kingdom called Champa towards the end of the second century. ( 75 ) The early Cham kings reportedly dressed after the fashion of Buddhist images, and went out in emanation astride elephants in the amerind manner, shaded by parasols, to the fathom of the blow of conches and the beat of drums. ( 76 ) In 331 ( or 337 ) the Cram throne was usurped by a sealed King Wen, who some accounts claim was born farther north in China proper, but who as a youth had become a family slave of a tribal leader in Chinese-administered Vietnam, and traveled widely in the capacity of a merchant. In Champa he impressed the native baron with his extensive cognition of the worldly concern, and finally engineered his own trespass, after which fourth dimension Champa became an increasingly serious military threat to the southern chinese administrations. ( 77 ) Coedes believed that the Indianized communities of Southeast Asia became increasingly more Hinduized ampere well, but that commerce and Buddhist missionary ardor were the initial impulses driving this expansion of indic polish. ( 78 ) During the early centuries of the Christian era wandering indian Buddhists must have been a amazingly patronize sight in Southeast and even East asian waters. In the context of a Buddhist account, five large indian merchant vessels were reported in the middle reaches of the Yangzi River, above Lake Dongting, in the early fifth hundred. ( 79 ) In 499 a extraneous monk is recorded to have arrived in cardinal China, claiming to have come from Fuso ( Ch., Fusang ), an obscurely legendary land located beyond japanese Wa. The monk explained that in 458 five bhiks, us from Kashmir had introduced Buddhism to that island. ( 80 ) Although Fuso can not now be located, and his history is unobjective, there is no reason to doubt his reported arrival in China, or the disperse of other monks out across the South Seas. It may be questioned how many of these were from the actual indian subcontinent, but their indic orientation is beyond misgiving. By the fifth century the outskirt of this indian diaspora may have reached modern Korea. ( 81 ) Of greater relevance, a few Indians seem to have even put ashore in Japan. The Nihon shoki records that in 654 four persons from Tokhara ( Afghanistan ) and a woman from Sravasti ( northeast India ) were blown by a storm to Hyuga, in southeast Kyushu. ( 82 ) publish in the nineteenth century, Aston dismissed this ancient japanese phonograph record with the observation that “ it is absurd to speak of natives of India being cast ashore ” in Japan.83 In the alight of the archaeological and other evidence for a universalize Indic community extending throughout Southeast Asia in this period, however, it is not at all improbable that isolated Indians or other Indianized persons might have voyaged american samoa far as the coasts of Japan, although the recorded indian place-names may well be garbled ( “ exaggerated, ” or embellished, possibly ), and their numbers must have been few. There is besides, furthermore, the good attested casing of the south indian brahman Bodhisena, who famously officiated at the ceremony “ open ” the eyes of the Great Buddha at Nara in 752, and who arrived in Japan in 736 in the company of a Cham monk he had met “ at sea. “ ( 84 ) EARLY JAPAN ‘S SOUTHWARD TILT Buddhism, of class, came to China overland, via the van trade routes of Central Asia, a well as by sea. If anything, this continental country infection of Buddhism is better known, and was more influential. By 509, for exercise, there were a reported three thousand monks from the western regions in the Northern Wei empire. ( 85 ) The structure of over a hundred and twenty dollar bill Buddhist stone grottoes in China beginning in the fourth and fifth centuries is enduring proof of this silk-route connection. interestingly, however, this northern silk-route-style of Buddhist computer architecture extended no further east than Silla, in Korea, and no further south than approximately the line of the Yangzi River in China. ( 86 ) such grottoes are notably lacking in Japan and Southern-dynasty China. Although Buddhism was introduced to northern Korea from the northerly ( semi- ) chinese conquest states, presumably by land, it was introduced into the southwest korean kingdom of Paekche by a Hu monk Malananda. coming from Southern-dynasty Jin in 384, presumably by ocean. ( 87 ) thereafter, Paekche, which was renowned among the Korean kingdoms of the period for its twist buddhist polish, maintained notably close ties with the chinese southern dynasties, specially from the late fifth century. ( 88 ) And it was Paekche, in particular, which was creditworthy for the transmission of Buddhism and other aspects of continental acculturation to Japan. ( 89 ) A number of scholars claim to detect a direct connection between the Buddhist acculturation of Southern dynasty China, Paekche, and Japan. ( 90 ) And when the Japanese subsequently began communicating directly by ocean with China in the seventh century, bypassing korean middlemen, their immediate decimal point of debarkation was besides in south China, specially at the port city now called Ningbo. ( 91 ) All of this suggests a special relevance for the southern maritime diffusion of Buddhism to Japan. And, of course, the final startle across the straits of Tsushima or the East China Sea had, perforce, to be made by boat. AN IMMIGRANT SOCIETY Most of those who sailed to Japan in these early centuries, however, came as permanent immigrants – sometimes unintentionally, like the ten Paekche monks who were blown off their course home plate from south China in 609 and petitioned to be allowed to remain in Japan ( 92 ) – rather than ephemeral traders. ( 93 ) The numbers of such immigrants were intelligibly significant. For the class 540 alone the Nihon shoki records the registration of 7,053 households of “ Hata ” people. ( 94 ) This surname, Hata, makes allusion to the name of the beginning imperial dynasty of China ( Ch., Qin ), ( 95 ) but in practice in early Japan it held small more particular significance than ” immigrant. ” even in later centuries the Japanese did not constantly distinguish clearly between Chinese and Koreans, and such modern ethno-national labels should be applied alone with circumspection, if at all, to this early period. ( 96 ) These numbers surely suggest, however, that live, unofficial, crossings between the continent and Japan must have greatly outnumbered the handful of known official embassies. It seems quite probable that some of these immigrants quietly slipped Buddhism into Japan vitamin a well, some years before the official public transmission. ( 97 ) There is a long-familiar history about a man from Southern-dynasty Liang named Shiba Tatto, who purportedly built a thatch dormitory to worship Buddha in Yamato in 522. ( 98 ) Shiba is a controversial visualize, however. ( 99 ) His mention is clearly a misread of the Chinese-style name ” Sima Da and others ” ( Ch., deng ; J : -to or -ra ) ; and, if such a person always truly exist, he is angstrom likely to have arrived in. Japan in 582 as in 522. ( 100 ) even if we discount the Shiba Tatto floor wholly, however, it remains interest that the region of southerly Yamato where he purportedly built his thatch hall was in fact a major center of immigrant activity, and an immigrant kin of saddle-makers claiming origin from Shiba Tatto did concisely thereafter play a big function in the promotion of Buddhism in Japan. ( 101 ) Immigrants were all-important to the early energy of the Buddhist religion in Japan. In 584, when Soga no Umako ( d. 626 ) obtained a stone Buddhist image from Paekche, only a lone lapse priest from Koguryo ( Korea ) could reportedly be found in Japan to supervise its worship. ( 102 ) In 623 a priest from Paekche was made the first official head of the japanese ‘Buddhist church, and immigrants in general were quite big in early seventh-century japanese Buddhism. ( 103 ) partially of the conflict over whether or not to endorse Buddhism formally in sixth-century Japan in fact revolved around a struggle between the Soga, Mononobe, and early leading clans for control over immigrant groups, who were associated not merely with Buddhism, but other more tangibly valuable skills a good. ( 104 ) Soga family digest for Buddhism was predicated upon a special Soga condescension relationship with immigrant communities, whose expertness in turn helped make possible the advance of the Soga to bang-up power, ( 105 ) Among the skills imported by these immigrant groups must have been some familiarity with the already substantially commercialize economy of the continent. Immigrants were made administrators of state finance in sixth-century Japan, possibly because of their repute for achiever in accumulating secret wealth, ( 106 ) The Nihon shoki records that, as a consequence of a dream, emperor Kimmei ( r. 539-71 ), while still a young person, adopted as a favored an immigrant named ( in Japanese ) Hata no Otsuchi, who is quoted as saying he had previously “ traveled to Ise on clientele. ” Hata became very affluent under the future emperor butterfly ‘s trade, and when Kimmei assumed the throne, he appointed Hata to the treasury. ( 107 ) For 553 there is a brief but tantalizing reference to a valet, of obviously korean extraction, who was sent under imperial command by Soga no Iname ( d. 570 ) “ to count and record the ship taxes. “ ( 108 ) As usual, our data is most complete for official embassies, but there is rationality to suppose that private vessels passing between Japan and the continent must have frequently outnumbered the official ones. Huang Yuese, for example, counts two Tang embassies to Japan and fifteen japanese embassies to Tang, but over thirty known secret commercial ventures to Japan in former Tang alone. ( 109 ) Nor is it correct to suppose that unofficial voyages to Japan entirely began in the late Tang dynasty. clearly, they began in ( japanese ) prehistory. A third-century chinese account observed that residents of the islands in the straits between Korea and Japan “ ride boats north and south to trade for grain. ( 110 ) contact between the celibate and the northerly japanese seaside, across the Sea of Japan, was achieved by private fishing communities long before the ascend of centralize political authority under the Yamato country. ( 111 ) Toward the end of the fifth hundred immigrant groups still reportedly lived scattered throughout Japan, under no central supervision. ( 112 ) The Nihon shoki mentions a boatload of people from Manchuria who spent the spring and summer of 544 fishing on an island off the northwest seashore of Japan, eating their meet and frightening the local inhabitants. ( 113 ) Less obtrusive landfalls must have frequently gone live, or even unobserved. The Yamato court surely did finally embrace the chinese imperial ideal of confining international exchange entirely to official tribute missions. The emerging centralize country in Japan, from the late fifth through the early seventh centuries, in fact owed much of its domination to its achiever in mobilizing groups of skilled immigrants, and supervising the distribution of foreign prestige goods. ( 114 ) This try monopolization of alien sexual intercourse by the centralizing effect elite may have begun, as Hirano Kunio suggests, arsenic early as the fourth hundred, ( 115 ) but it is improbable that the incipient japanese state was adequate to of patrolling the entire coastline with watchfulness very much before the deep 600s, and its effectiveness may be exaggerated by orthodox accounts even then. Hermetically sealed borders were, at best, a phenomenon of the late seventh and early one-eighth centuries, after which both the random immigration and fiddling trading of pre- ” union ” Japan, and Nara period state-regulation, gave way to a new, more purposeful, form of secret deal. An official japanese report card, dated 842, observed that since the time of Emperor Shomu ( r. 724-49 ), Sillans had been slipping privately into Japan as traders, without following the established operation for tribute missions. ( 116 ) Lee Sungsi takes the mid-eighth century as a turning point.117 An indicator of the evolving orientation off from enforced official tribute embassies towards more private commercial exchange may be found in the court ‘s award to top officials in 768 of a half-million abscond of fabric for the function of individually purchasing Sillan trade goods. ( 118 ) Below the charge of elite luxury items, we may presume an emerging local trade in base commodities that passed beneath official notice, but which was possibly cumulatively tied more meaning. By late-Tang times Sillans ( from a now unified Korea ) appear to have dominated shipping in northeast asian waters, and enjoyed well-established occupation communities in China. ( 119 ) Regional deal must have been largely contained within East asian hands, and there is little attest of direct traffic between Japan and the South Seas. In 642, however, there is one fascinating passing reference in the japanese annals to a report from some attendants of the Paekche deputation that their ambassadors had thrown ” Kunlun ” diplomats into the ocean, presumably during their common approach to Japan. ( 120 ) Kunlun was a generic taiwanese term for Southeast Asians in this time period, and since, as we suspect, private unreported commercial traffic tends to exceed public official transactions in volume, the account does suggest some bare tied of lead nautical contact between Japan and the South Seas in the seventh hundred. Most south and Southeast asian rally with Japan, however, must have come indirectly through China and Korea. THE BUDDHIST COMMUNITY OF EARLY JAPAN Unlike the continent, in newly imperial Japan the economy remained basically at the barter charge. Coins were not introduced until 708, and not very successfully even then. ( 121 ) The japanese court had repeatedly thereafter to issue edicts urging the people to make use of this new medium of exchange, and threaten the confiscation of fields that were priced for craft in objects early than money. ( 122 ) In 672, at the beginning of the civil war that would bring Emperor Temmu ( r. 673-90 ) to the toilet, an pressing demarche forced the future emperor to set out from Yoshino without adequate mounts, obliging his party to requisition a train of fifty packhorses they encountered carrying rice for the baths at Ise. ( 123 ) While this suggests an impressive enough premodern transmit of bulk goods, it is not net that it represents what could precisely be called secret trade. We are left with an overall image of a pre-monetized packhorse economy in the Japan of circa 700 A.D. that compares unfavorably with the “ caravans of five hundred or more ox-wagons at a time ” and “ even neologism ” ascribed to India adenine early as the seventh century B.c., a millennium earlier. ( 124 ) Despite the flourishing sea-borne trade between China and South and Southeast Asia, transportation from China to Japan remained difficult. In 631, possibly making a merit out of necessity, the Tang emperor absolved the Japanese of their supposed obligation to offer annual tribute on the grounds of the distance involved.1 ( 25 ) A Tang envoy sent to Japan in 641 described a voyage of “ respective months ” that took him through the “ gates of Hell. “ ( 126 ) In the eighth hundred, Ganjin ‘s disciples were unresponsive to his request for volunteers to hazard a cross to Japan, one of them ultimately explaining : “ That state is besides far. It is unmanageable to preserve one ‘s life – not one in a hundred arrive across the huge waves and boundless waters. “ ( 127 ) Neither chinese nor japanese states were well discard towards unregulated trade, and both were evenly fishy of unregulated religion – particularly as propagated by foreigners – freely circulating among the park people. In 700 Di Renjie ( 607-700 ), in China, complained of “ wandering monks who all use the doctrines of the Buddha to deceive know persons, ” and of the bearing of Buddhists in every village and marketplace. ( 128 ) Among many decrees of like nature that could be cited, in 656 the Tang banned Central Asians from practicing “ magic trick, ” and in 727 ordered the assiduity of Buddhist monks into a relatively few bombastic, closed, monasteries. ( 129 ) The eighth-century japanese state was equally concerned to isolate the Buddhists in monasteries, where they could recite sutras for the auspices of the express without causing a democratic disturbance. In Japan, where the integrity of government and religion ( saisei-itchi has long been a especial custom, Buddhist activeness outside the monasteries was forbidden by law. ( 130 ) But individual deal and popular Buddhism both flourished anyhow, most spectacularly in China, and to a lesser extent in Japan. surprisingly, Buddhism and trade much flourished together, through a process of common stimulation. Since official sources were ideologically disinclined to report on either bodily process, still less any symbiotic positive interaction between them, we may turn to “ the earliest collection of Buddhist legends in Japan, ” the Nihon ryoiki, “ a key text file for understanding how Buddhism was accepted by the Japanese in the first few centuries after its presentation, ” to catch a relatively unguarded, unofficial, glance at the democratic Buddhism of early Japan. ( 131 ) Although circumspection needs to be taken against misinterpreting material that may well have been contaminated by Chinese and even amerind themes, the stories of marvelous honor and vengeance contained in the Nihon ryoiki unfold amidst a signally mercantile, un-peasant-like, japanese company. There is, for exercise, the history of a valet who traveled with his older buddy on business, and was murdered by his brother over a dispute concerning forty-odd catties of silver. His bones were left in a mountain passing near modern Kyoto, to be trampled upon by men and beasts for many years until a Koguryo monk rescued them in 646. ( 132 ) A reed merchant from Kawachi overloaded his packhorse, angrily thrashed it for not moving, and after selling the reeds killed it. ( 133 ) A self-ordained ( unauthorized ) Buddhist novitiate ( sramanera ), besides from Kawachi, collected democratic donations with the false claim that he was constructing a pagoda, and enjoyed the proceeds privately together with his wife. ( 134 ) The wife of a district official in Sanuki, known for her stinginess, waters down the wine she sells, forcibly extracts net income, and uses little measures when she makes loans but bombastic measures when she collects repayment. The inevitable divine retribution shames her bereaved husband and children into atoning for her sins in 776 by donating all of the family ‘s wealth to the church, and forgiving their debtors. ( 135 ) These are marvelous tales, which can not be accepted as actual fact. But possibly they convey something of an authentic spirit that is missing from the official histories, bound as they are by elect ideological preconceptions. such tales may serve as a useful corrective to our ceremonious understanding of both Buddhism and early japanese company. In China Buddhism apparently took ancestor among the common people before it found popularity with the elite. ( 136 ) In Japan, despite the head function of the state of matter and bang-up families in promoting Buddhism, the popular dispersion of the religion may have been greater than we realize. And popular disregard for official rule generally, even at the peak of the centralize ritsuryo state in eighth-century Japan, is evinced by the big numbers of japanese commoners who routinely fled the government-imposed vision of them as registered, tax-paying and service-providing, farm households. ( 137 ) Buddhism simultaneously censured the base excesses of, itself profited from, and circulated amidst a society in which minor, premodern trade was more widespread than is normally supposed. Nara Japan could hardly be described as a develop, urban, commercial state, but the ” agrarian fundamentalism ” of the Confucian-imperial bureaucratic ideal enshrined in official sources obscures the real diverseness of occupations that did exist, and possibly particularly the “ potent marine relish ” of early japanese culture. ( 138 ) Ancient Japan was surely less commercialized than contemporary China, but probably even more reliant upon seafaring. ( 139 ) And it was the outdoors sea that last brought Buddhism to Japan, together with an range of other external cultural, political, and economic influences that was rather richer than we much realize. brief research in Tokyo and Shanghai was supported by a University of Northern Iowa 1996 summer company, for which the generator expresses his gratitude. 1 Wang Jinlin Nara bunka to To bunka ( Nara Culture and Tang Culture ) ( Tokyo : Rokko shuppan kabushiki kaisha, 1988 ), 300. On the Confucian-Legalist deduction in early Japan, see Charles Holcombe, ” Ritsuryo Confucianism, ” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 57.2 ( 1997 ). 2 William Wayne Farris, Population, Disease, and Land in Early Japan, 645-900 ( Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Press, 1985 ), 142-44. 3 Shi Jiaming, “ Riben gudai guojia de fazhan ” ( The Development of the Ancient Japanese State ), Zhongguo yu Riben 141 ( 1972 ) : 40 ; Hugo Munsterberg, The Arts of Japan : An exemplify History ( Rutland, Vt. : Charles E. Tuttle, 1957 ), 53. 4 Himanshu E Ray, The Winds of Change : buddhism and the Maritime Links of Early South Asia ( Delhi : Oxford Univ. Press, 1994 ), 8, 153-54. 5 Tonami Mamoru and Takeda Yukio, Zui-To teikoku to kodai Chosen ( The Sui-Tang Empire and Ancient Korea ), Sekai no rekishi 6 ( Tokyo : Chuokoron-sha, 1997 ), 232. 6 Samguk yusa ( Memorabilia from the Three [ Korean ] Kingdoms ), by Iryon, Da Zangjing ( photo-reprint of Taisho Tripitaka ) ( 1280 ; Taibei : Zhonghua fojiao wenhuaguan, 1957 ), 3 ; T49.998, 1005. 7 Genko shakusho ( History of Buddhism [ Compiled During ] the Genko Era ), Shintei zoho kokushi taikei, 31 ( ca. 1322 ; Tokyo : Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1930 ), 15.224. 8 Liu Xinru, Ancient India and Ancient China : Trade and Religious Exchanges AD 1-600 ( Delhi : Oxford Univ. Press, 1988 ), 100-101, 176. 9 Maximilian Klimburg, “ The set : The western Trans-Himalayan Crossroads, ” in The Silk Route and the Diamond Path : esoteric Buddhist Art on the Trans-Himalayan Trade Routes, erectile dysfunction. Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter ( Los Angeles : UCLA Art Council, 1982 ), 32. 10 Wang Gungwu, “ The Nanhai Trade : A Study of the early history of chinese Trade in the South China Sea, ” Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 31.2 ( 1958 ) : 53-55, 113. 11 Thomas Francis Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward, revised by L. Carrington Goodrich ( 1925 ; New York : The Ronald Press, 1955 ), 26-28, 38-41, 5962 ; Paul Pelliot, ( Euvres posthumes, IV : Les debuts de l’imprimerie en chine ( Paris : Imprimerie nationale, 1953 ), 33-34, 3741, 50 ; Hu Shi, “ Lun chu-Tang sheng-Tang hai meiyou diaoban shu ” ( On the Continued Nonexistence of Block-Printed Books in Early and High Tang ), Zhongguo tushu shi ziliao jemaah islamiyah, erectile dysfunction. Liu Jiabi ( Hong Kong : Longmen shudian, 1974 ), 432 ; Cefu yuangui ( The Great Tortoise of Archives ) ( ca. 1012 ; Taibei : Zhonghua shuju, 1981 ), 160.1932. 12 Liang shu ( dynastic History of the Liang ), by Yao Silian ( 557-637 ) ( Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1973 ), 54.789-90. 13 Fozu tongji ( complete Records of the Buddha and Patriarchs ), by Zhipan, Da Zangjing ( 1269 ), 37 ; T49.351. 14 Nihon shoki ( Chronicles of Japan ), Shintei zoho kokushi taikei ( fukyuban ) ( 720 ; Tokyo : Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1993 ), 19.59. 15 Nihon shoki, 19.71. 16 Michel Strickmann, “ India in the taiwanese Looking Glass, ” in The Silk Route and the Diamond Path, 59. 17 Richard Mather, “ Vimalakirti and Gentry Buddhism, ” History of Religions 8.1 ( 1968 ) : 63. 18 Chu Sanzang jiji ( Collected Records from the Tripitaka ), by Seng You ( 435-518 ) ( Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1995 ), 14.552. 19 Song shu ( dynastic History of the [ Liu- ] Song ), By Shen Yue ( 441-513 ) ( Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1974 ), 75.1954. On the economic history of the Church in China, see Jacques Gernet, Buddhism in chinese club : An economic history from the Fifth to the Tenth Centuries, tr. Franciscus Verellen ( 1956 ; New York : Columbia Univ. Press, 1995 ). 20 Wei shu ( dynastic History of the [ Northern ] Wei ), by Wei Shou ( 506-72 ) ( Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1974 ), 114.3041 ; Lien-sheng Yang, ” Buddhist Monasteries and Four Money-Raising Institutions in Chinese History, ” in Yang, Studies in taiwanese Institutional History ( Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Press, 1961 ), 198-202 ; Qu Xiaoqiang, Bai milliampere ding lai : fojiao dongchuan jiemi ( The White Horse Comes East : Uncovering the Secret of Buddhism ‘s Eastward Dissemination ) ( Chengdu : szechwan renmin chubanshe, 1995 ), 92-93. 21 D. D. Kosambi, The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India in Historical Outline ( London : Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965 ), 182-87. Ray, 149, writes that Kosambi ‘s interpretation “ has not found general acceptance. ” 22 Liu Xinru, 120-23, 175. 23 See Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order ( New York : Simon and Schuster, 1996 ), 67-68. 24 Jerry H. Bentley, Old World Encounters : cross-cultural Contacts and Exchanges in Pre-Modern Times ( New York : Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 ), 83-84. On Buddhist universalism, see Tsukamoto Zenryu, A History of Early taiwanese buddhism : From its insertion to the Death of Hui-yuan, tr. Leon Hurvitz ( 1979 ; Tokyo : Kodansha, 1985 ), 15. 25 Michihata Ryoshu, Chugoku bukkyo shakai-keizai shi no kenkyu ( Studies in the Socio-Economic History of Chinese Buddhism ) ( Kyoto : Heirakuji shoten, 1983 ), 291-92, 306-8. 26 Nan shi ( History of the Southern Dynasties ) by Li Yanshou ( Ca. 629 ; Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1975 ), 75.187577 ; Hong ming jemaah islamiyah ( Collection Expanding Illumination ), by Seng You ( 435-518 ) ( Taibei : Zhonghua shuju, 1983 ), 7.1b-2a, 5b-6a ; Guang hong ming jemaah islamiyah ( Extended Collection Expanding Illumination ), by Daoxuan ( 596-667 ) ( Taibei : Zhonghua shuju, 1966 ), 10.2a/b ; Fozu tongji, 38 ; T.49.358. 27 Fozu tongji, 39 ; T. 49.368. 28 Nihon shoki, 19.76-78. For a discussion of this controversy, see Joseph M. Kitagawa, “ The Shadow of the Sun : A Glimpse of the Fujiwara and the Imperial Families in Japan, ” in On Understanding japanese Religion ( 1982 ; Princeton : Princeton Univ. Press, 1987 ), 102-4. 29 Ienaga Saburo, ed., Nihon Bukkyoshi : Kodai hen ( History of japanese Buddhism : antiquity ) ( Tokyo : Hozokan, 1967 ), 52. 30 “ To dai osho toseiden ” ( Record of the Great Tang Priest ‘s Eastward Expedition ), by Omi no Mifune ( 722-85 ), Nara ibun ( Tokyo : Tokyodo shuppan, 1967 ), 896. 31 “ Dengyo daishi shorai mokuroku ” ( Catalog of [ Books ] Brought by Saich ), Dengyo daishi zenshu, 4 ( 805 ; Tokyo : Sekai seiten kanko kyokai, 1989 ), 368. 32 See the description of “ insular artwork ” in the seventh-century british Isles, in Bernard Wailes and Amy L. Zoll, ” Civilization, Barbarism, and Nationalism in European Archaeology, ” in Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archeology, erectile dysfunction. Philip L. Kohl and Clare Fawcett ( Cambridge : Cambridge Univ. Press, 1995 ), 31-33. 33 Yang Zengwen Riben fojiao shi ( A history of japanese Buddhism ) ( Hangzhou : Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1995 ), 80. For Ganjin, see Genko shakusho, 1.31-32. 34 “ To dai osho toseiden, ” 902. 35 Tong dian ( comprehensive Canons ), by Du You ( 735-812 ) ( Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1984 ), 188.1007 ; Nan shi, 78.1947 ; Liang shu, 54.783. 36 See Liu Shufen, “ Liuchao nanhai maoyi de kaizhan ” ( The Development of South Sea Trade in the Six Dynasties ), Liuchao de chengshi yu shehui ( Taibei : Xuesheng shuju, 1992 ), 317. 37 Cu Ji ( 261-303 ), in Jin sebaceous cyst graphical user interface ( Return to Jin Literature ), erectile dysfunction. Zhong Xing ( ca. 1600 ) ( rpt. ; Taibei : Shangwu yinshuguan, 1973 ), 4.13a. 38 Wei shu, 60.1332-33. 39 Xin Tang shu ( New Dynastic History of the Tang ), by Ouyang Xiu ( 1007-72 ) and Song Qi ( Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1975 ), 3.66 ; Denis Twitchett, ” The T’ang Market System, ” Asia Major, n.s., 12.2 ( 1966 ) : 205-7, 213-14. For conditions at the start of the imperial menstruation, see He Qinggu, “ Qin Shihuang shidai de siying gongshangye ” ( Private Handicrafts and Trade in the Age of the First Emperor of Qin ), Wenbo 38 ( 1990.5 ). 40 Han shu ( dynastic History of the [ Former ] Han ), by Ban Gu ( 32-92 ) ( Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1962 ), 95.3838. 41 Liu Shufen, “ San zhi liu shiji Zhe-dong diqu de jingji fazhan ” ( The Economic Development of the Eastern Zhejiang Region in the third-sixth Centuries ), Liuchao de chengshi yu shehui ( 1987 ; Taibei : Xuesheng shuju, 1992 ), 205.
42 Kawakatsu Yoshio, Chagoku no rekishi, 3 : Gi-Shin nanbokucho ( chinese History, 3 : The Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties ) ( Tokyo : Kodan-sha, 1981 ), 267-68 ; “ Kahei keizai no shinten to Ko Kei no ladder ” ( The Development of a Money Economy and Hou Jing ‘s Rebellion ), Rikucho kizokusei shakai no kenkyu ( 1962 ; Tokyo : Iwanami shoten, 1982 ), 369. 43 For the rigorous Tang frame and pass control restrictions, see Tang lu shuyi ( An Annotated Discussion of the Tang Penal Code ), by Zhangsun Wuji ( 653 ; Taibei : Shangwu yinshuguan, 1990 ), 8.124-28. 44 Tang huiyao ( Institutes of Tang ), by Wang Pu ( 922-82 ) ( Taibei : Shangwu yinshuguan, 1968 ), 86.1581 ; 86.1579. 45 See Arakawa Masaharu, “ To teikoku to Sogudo jin no koeki katsudo ” ( The Tang Empire and Sogdian Commercial Activity ), Toyoshi-kenkyu 56.3 ( 1997 ) : 171. See besides Tang lu shuyi, 8.128. 46 For the ineffectiveness of Tang currency export regulations, see, for exercise, Xie Haiping, Tang dai liu Hua waiguoren shenghuo kaoshu ( A discipline of the Lives of Foreigners who Lived in China during the Tang Dynasty ) ( Taibei : Shangwu yinshuguan, 1978 ), 353-54. 47 Tang huiyao, 86.1583. 48 Tang huiyao, 86.1582. 49 Dai viet su kentucky toan thu ( dispatch Historical Records of Great Vietnam ), by Ngo Si Lien ( 1479 ; Tokyo : Tokyo daigaku toyo bunka kenkyusho fuzoku, 1986 ), ngoai kentucky 5.165. 50 Han shu, 28B.1670 ; Sui-shu ( Dynastic History of the Sui ), by Wei Zheng ( 580-643 ) ( Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1973 ), 31.887-88. 51 Annam chi luoc ( A Brief Chronicle of Vietnam ), by Le Tac ( 1340 ; Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1995 ), 7.167. 52 Jin shu ( dynastic History of the Jin ), erectile dysfunction. Fang Xuanling ( 644 ; Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1974 ), 97.2546 ; Tong dian, 188.1008. 53 Jin zhongxing shu ( fifth century ), quoted in Chu xue jemaah islamiyah ( Record of Initial Learning ), erectile dysfunction. Xu Jian ( 659-729 ) ( Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1962 ), 8.192. 54 Jin shu, 90.2341. 55 Han Changli quanji ( Collected Works of Han Yu [ 768-824 ] ) ( Beijing : Zhongguo shudian, 1991 ), 33.416. See besides Xin Tang shu, 163.5009. 56 Xin Tang shu, 225C.6454. 57 See Wu Tingqiu and Zheng Pengnian, “ Fojiao hai shang chuanru Zhongguo zhi yanjiu ” ( Studies in the Transmission of Buddhism to China by Sea ), Lishi yanjiu 2 ( 1995 ) : 25-26, 39 ; Feng Chengjun, Zhongguo Nanyang tiaotong shi ( A history of chinese Communication with the South Seas ) ( 1937 ; Taibei : Shangwu yinshuguan, 1993 ), 31-35. 58 Chu sanzang jiji, 13.512-13 ; Gao seng zhuan ( Biographies of Eminent Monks ), by Huijiao ( ca. 530 ; Taibei : Huiwentang, 1987 ), 1.10-12 ; Fozu tongji, 35 ; T.49.331. See Gao Guanru, “ Zhong wai fojiao guanxi shilue ” ( Brief History of Sino-Foreign Buddhist Relations ), Zhongguo fojiao, 1 ( Shanghai : Dongfang chuban zhongxin, 1980 ), 210. 59 Chu sanzang jiji, 14.543 ; Fozu tongji, 36 ; T.49.344. 60 Chu sanzang jiji, 14.547-48. 61 Sun Changwu, Zhongguo fojiao wenhua xushuo ( Introduction to Chinese Buddhist Culture ) ( Tianjin : Nankai daxue chubanshe, 1990 ), 80. 62 Fozu tongji, 40 ; T.49.373. 63 Gao seng zhuan, 1.10-11 ; Chu sanzang jiji, 13.516. 64 Song shu, 97.2399. See Haneda Akira, “ To-zai kotsu ” ( East-West Communication ), Kizoku shakai, erectile dysfunction. Sotoyama Gunji et aluminum. ( Osaka : Sogensha, 1981 ), 116 ; Liu Shufen, “ Nanhai, ” 341. 65 Bo wu zhi ( An Extensive Account of Many Things ), by Zhang Hua ( 232-300 ) ( Taibei : Zhonghua shuju, 1983 ), 1.2a. 66 Liang shu, 54.787 ; Cefu yuangui, 959.11289. For the placement of Dunxun, see Willem Pieter Groeneveldt, Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca, Compiled from chinese Sources ( Batavia : 1876 ), 119-21 ; Kenneth R. Hall, Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia ( Honolulu : Univ. of Hawaii Press, 1985 ), 64-67. 67 Liang shu, 54.798. In the Tang dynasty it was reported that Funan “ adjoined ” eastern India, and was “ only separated from it by a small ocean. ” Tang huiyao, 100.1786. 68 Sheldon Pollock, “ The Cosmopolitan Vernacular, ” Journal of Asian Studies 57.1 ( 1998 ) : 6, 10-12. See besides George Coedes, The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, tr. Susan Brown Cowing ( 1944 ; Honolulu : East-West Center Press, 1968 ), xvii, 10, 15 ; Li Donghua, “ Han-Sui jian Zhongguo nanhai jiaotong zhi yanbian ” ( The development of taiwanese Communication with the South Seas from Han to Sui ), ( Zhongguo lishixue hui ) Shixue jikan 11 ( 1979 ) : 50. 69 Pollock, 33. For a discussion of “ Indianization, ” see Lynda Norene Shaffer, Maritime Southeast Asia to 1500 ( Armonk, N.Y. : M. E. Sharpe, 1996 ), 24-26 ; Ray, 88-90. Kosambi, 166-76, provides an amerind position on this process. 70 Peter Bellwood, Prehistory of the lndo-Malaysian Archipelago ( 1985 ; Honolulu : Univ. of Hawaii Press, 1997 ), 137-38. For Madagascar, see 122-23, 136, 276. 71 Wang Gungwu, 43-44, 103 ; Hall, 42. 72 Hall, 48-77 ; Liang shu, 54.789 ; Tong dian, 188.1008 ; Coedes, 56. Ray, 159-60, suggests that unlike a modern “ state of matter ” or ” kingdom, ” this Funan was more of a elementary congeries of ” chiefdoms. ” 73 Hall, 59 ; Coedes, 17. 74 Coedes, 81 ; Wang Gungwu, 97 ; Hall, 78. 75 Lu Shipeng, Bei shu shiqi de Yuenan : Zhong-Yue guanxi shi zhi lolo ( Vietnam in the Period of Subordination to the North : A history of Sino-Vietnamese Relations ) ( Hong Kong : chinese Univ. of Hong Kong, Southeast Asia Studies Section, 1964 ), 86-87. On the island origins of the Chams, see Charles Higham, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia ( Cambridge : Cambridge Univ. Press, 1996 ), 304-8. The kingdom of Champa is said to have survived, in one form or another, until the early nineteenth hundred. 76 Cefu yuangui, 959.11288 ; Taiping yulan ( [ Encyclopedia Assembled for ] Imperial Inspection during the Taiping era ) ( 983 ; Taibei : Shangwu yinshuguan, 1980 ), 786.3611. 77 Shuijing zhu ( Annotated Classic of Rivers ), by Li Daoyuan ( ca. 520 ; Shanghai : Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1990 ), 36.685 ; Jin shu, 97.2545-46 ; Liang shu, 54.784 ; Tong dian, 188.1008. 78 Coedes, 19-21, 23, 50-51, 63-64. See besides Ray, 132-34, 136, 199-200 ; Bellwood, 137-38. 79 Gao seng zhuan, 2.50. See Feng Chengjun, 35. 80 Liang shu, 54.808. 81 Kamata Shigeo, Bukkyo denrai ( The introduction of Buddhism ) ( Tokyo : Kodansha, 1995 ), 11. 82 Nihon shoki, 25.256. 83 W. G. Aston, tr., Nihongi : Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A.D. 697 ( 1896 ; Rutland, Vt. : Charles E. Tuttle, 1972 ), 2:246 n. 8. 84 Genko shakusho, 15.224 ; “ Nan tenjiku baramon sojo hawaii ” ( Inscription for the Brahmin High Priest from Southern India ), Nara ibun ( Tokyo : Tokyodo shuppan, 1967 ), 887 ; Kamata Shigeo, 166, 277. 85 Fozu tongji, 38 ; T49.355. 86 Sun Changwu, 199-201 ; Liu Xinru, 124, 144 ; Kamata Shigeo, 255 ; Luo Zongzhen Liu chao kaogu ( Six Dynasties Archeology ) ( Nanjing : nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1994 ), 101, 241. 87 Samguk sagi ( historical commemorate of the Three [ Korean ] Kingdoms ), by Kim Pu-sik, annotated tr. by Ch’oe Ho ( 1145 ; Seoul : Hongsin munhwasa, 1994 ), 2:37 ( Paekche basic annals 2 ) ; Samguk yusa, 3 ; T.49.986 ; Kamata Shigeo, 277. 88 Han Sheng, “ ‘Wei fa Baiji ‘ yu Nanbeichao shiqi Dongya guoji guanxi ” ( [ Northern ] Wei ‘s Chastisement of Paekche, and East Asian International Relations in the Northern and Southern Dynasties Period ), Lishi yanjiu ( 1995.3 ) : 40-41, 43 ; Kamata Shigeo, 110. On Paekche polish, see Sarah Milledge Nelson, The Archeology of Korea ( Cambridge : Cambridge Univ. Press, 1993 ), 11,220. 89 See, for case, Saito Tadashi Chosen kodai bunka no kenkyu ( Studies in ancient korean culture ) ( Tokyo : Chijin shokan, 1943 ), 245 ; Kim Ch’ungnyo, Gaoli ruxue sixiang shi ( A history of Koryo Confucian Thought ) ( Taibei : Dongda tushu gufen youxian gongsi, 1992 ), 35-38, 43. 90 Yoshimura Rei, “ Asuka yoshiki Nancho kigen ron ” ( On the Southern Dynasty Origins of the Asuka-style ), Higashi Ajia to Nihon : koko, bijutsu hen, erectile dysfunction. Tamura Encho sensei kokikinenkai ( Tokyo : Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1987 ) ; Sonoda Koyu, “ early Buddha Worship, ” The Cambridge History of Japan, vol. 1 : ancient Japan ( Cambridge : Cambridge Univ. Press, 1993 ), 366, 370. 91 Oba Osamu, “ Nihon no kenkyfisha kara mita Nitchu bunka koryushi ” ( The history of Sino-Japanese Cultural Exchange as Viewed by japanese Scholars ), Nitchu bunka koryushi sosho, 1 : Rekishi, erectile dysfunction. Oba Osamu and Wang Xiaoqiu ( Tokyo : Taishukan shoten, 1995 ), 8-9. See besides Lin Shimin, ” Tang dai dongfang haishi juodong yu Mingzhou gang ” ( Eastern Maritime Activity in the Tang Dynasty and Mingzhou [ Ningbo ] Harbor ), Zhedong wenhua luncong, erectile dysfunction. Dong Yi’an ( Beijing : Zhongyang bianyi chubanshe, 1995 ), 153, 160. 92 Nihon shoki, 22.151-52 ; Genko shakusho, 16.231. 93 William Wayne Farris, “ Ancient Japan ‘s korean joining, ” Korean Studies 20 ( 1996 ) : 15-16. 94 Nihon shoki, 19.51. For an case of large-scale naturalization of Koreans in the eighth hundred, see Shoku Nihongi, vol. 3 ( Continued Chronicles of Japan ), by Sugano no Mamichi and Fujiwara no Tsugutada, Shin Nihon koten bungaku taikei, 12 ( 797 ; Tokyo : Iwanami shoten, 1992 ), 20.184-85, and note 14. 95 More precisely, the written graph refers to Qin ; the speak pronunciation “ Hata ” is credibly of korean deriving. See William Wayne Farris, Sacred Texts and Buried Treasures : Issues in the Historical Archaeology of Ancient Japan ( Honolulu : Univ. of Hawaii Press, 1998 ), 100. 96 Huang Yuese, “ ‘Da-Tang shang ren ‘ Li Yanxiao yu jiu shiji Zhong-Ri guanxi ” ( The ‘Great Tang Merchant ‘ Li Yanxiao and Sino-Japanese Relations in the Ninth-Century ), Lishi yanjiu ( 1993.4 ) : 51. 97 Hayami Tasuku, Nihon bukkyoshi : kodai ( History of japanese Buddhism : ancientness ) ( Tokyo : Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1986 ), 24-25. 98 Genko shakusho, 17.244-45 ; Gao Guanru, 185 ; Xia Yingyuan, ” Shin-Kan kara Zui-To jidai no Chu-Nichi bunka koryu ” ( Sino-Japanese Cultural Exchange from the Qin-Han to the Sui-Tang Periods ), Nitchu bunka koryushi sosho, 1 : rekishi, 102-3 ; J. H. Kamstra, Encounter or syncretism : The Initial Growth of japanese Buddhism ( Leiden : E. J. Brill, 1967 ), 245-59. 99 Bruno Lewin, Aya und Hata : Bevolkerungsgruppen altjapans kontinentaler Herkunft ( Wiesbaden : Otto Harrassowitz, 1962 ), 148, and note 16. 100 Yang Zengwen, p. 22 ; Naobayashi Futai, “ Torai kei shizoku bukkyo no hitotsu kosatsu ” ( An inquiry into the Buddhism of Immigrant Families ), Indogaku bukkyogaku kenkyu 43.1 ( 1994 ) : 47 ; G. Renondeau, “ La Date de l’introduction du bouddhisme gold Japon, ” T’oung Pao 47 ( 1959 ) : 19. 101 Ueda Masaaki, Kikajin : kodai kokka no seiritsu o megutte ( domesticate Persons : Concerning the formation of the Ancient State ) ( Tokyo : Chuo koronsha, 1965 ), 120-21 ; Ienaga Saburo, 57. 102 Genko shakusho, 16.230-31, 17.244 ; Nihon shoki, 20.112-13. This fib besides involves Shiba Tatto. 103 Nihon shoki, 22.164-65 ; Xia Yingyuan, 117 ; Kamstra, 299-300. 104 Ueda Masaaki, 126. 105 Ueda Masaaki, 120 ; Ienaga Saburo, 60, 62. 106 Ueda Masaaki, 137-39. 107 Nihon shoki, 19.49-50. 108 Nihon shoki, 19.79. 109 Huang Yuese, 47. 110 San guo zhi ( Chronicles of the [ Chinese ] Three Kingdoms ), by Chen Shou ( 233-97 ) ( Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1959 ), 30.854. 111 See Ueda Masaaki, Ronkyu : kodaishi to higashi A jia ( discussion : ancient History and East Asia ) ( Tokyo : Iwanami shoten, 1998 ), 101-3. 112 Nihon shoki, 14.385. entry for 471 A.D. 113 Nihon shoki, 19.70. 114 Enomoto Junichi, “ ‘Kokufu bunka ‘ to Chugoku bunka : bunka inyu nickel okeru choko to boeki ” ( “ National Culture ” and taiwanese polish : tribute and Trade in the Importation of Culture ), Kodai o kangaeru : To to Nihon, erectile dysfunction. Ikeda On ( Tokyo : Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1992 ), 170, 172-73 ; Joan R. Piggot, The Emergence of japanese Kingship ( Stanford : Stanford Univ. Press, 1997 ), 56-57, 71, 100. 115 Hirano Kunio, Kikajin to kodai kokka ( Naturalized Persons and the Ancient State ) ( Tokyo : Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1993 ), 160-61. 116 Ruiju sandai kyaku ( locally Arranged Regulations from Three Reigns ), Shintei zoho kokushi taikei ( fukyfiban ) ( Tokyo : Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1993 ), 18.570. 117 Lee Sungsi, Higashi Ajia no oken to koeki : Shosoin no homotsu georgia kita molybdenum hitotsu no michi ( East Asian Sovereign Power and Trade : Another route for the Arrival of the Treasures in the Shosoin ) ( Tokyo : Aoki shoten, 1997 ), 160-66, 174-84. 118 Shoku Nihongi, 4:29.220-21. 119 Edwin O. Reischauer, tr., Ennin ‘s Diary : The Record of a pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law ( New York : Ronald Press, 1955 ), 286-87 ; Chen Shangsheng, “ Tang dai de Xinluo qiaomin shequ ” ( Communities of Korean Resident Aliens in the Tang Dynasty ), Lishi yanjiu ( 1996.1 ) : 161-62. 120 Nihon shoki, 24.190. 121 Paul Wheatley and Thomas See, From Court to capital : A probationary interpretation of the Origins of the japanese Urban Tradition ( Chicago : Univ. of Chicago Press, 1978 ), 154. 122 Shoku Nihongi, 1:5.172-73 ; 6.194-95. 123 Nihon shoki, 28.311. 124 Kosambi, 124-25. 125 Xin Tang shu, 220.6208. 126 Tang huiyao, 99.1769. 127 “ To dai osho toseiden, ” 896. 128 Zizhi tongjian jinzhu ( New Commentary to the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Governance ), by Sima Guang ( 1019-86 ) ( Taibei : Shangwu yinshuguan, 1966 ), 207.542. 129 Xin Tang shu, 3.57 ; Fozu tongji, 40 ; T49.374. 130 Ryo no gige ( Commentary to the [ Yoro ] Administrative Code ), by Kiyowara no Natsuno, Shintel zoho kokushi taikei ( fukyuban ) ( 833 ; Tokyo : Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1972 ), 2.82 ; Ruiju sandai kyaku, 2.74. See Ienaga Saburo, 108, 129 ; Sato Hiroo, “ Bukkyo kyodan to shukyo seikatsu ” ( Buddhist Orders and the Religious Life ), Koza : bukkyo no juyo to henyo 6 : Nihon hen, erectile dysfunction. Yamaori Tetsuo ( Tokyo : Kosei shuppansha, 1991 ), 84. For saisei-itchi, see Joseph M. Kitagawa, “ Matsuri and Matsuri-goto : religion and State in Early Japan, ” in On Understanding japanese Religion, 117. 131 Kyoko Motomochi Nakamura, trans., marvelous Stories from the japanese Buddhist custom : the Nihon Ryoiki of the Monk Kyokai ( Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Press, 1973 ), vi, 3. 132 Nihon ryoiki ( Tales of the Miraculous in Japan ), by Keikai ( Kyokai ), Shin Nihon koten bungaku taikei, 30 ( ca. 800 ; Tokyo : Iwanami shoten, 1996 ), 1.212-13, item 12. Nakamura tr., 123-24. 133 Nihon ryoiki, 1.217, detail 21. Nakamura tr., 132-33. 134 Nihon ryoiki, 1.220, item 27. Nakamura tr., 139-40. 135 Nihon ryoiki, 3.281-82, item 26. Nakamura tr., 257-59. 136 Qu Xiaoqiang, 189-90.
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137 Shoku Nihongi, 1:4.154-57 ; 5.170-71 ; 6.224-25. 138 Amino Yoshihiko, “ emperor, Rice, and Commoners, ” Multicultural Japan : paleolithic age to Postmodern, erectile dysfunction. Donald Denoon et aluminum. ( Cambridge : Cambridge Univ. Press, 1996 ), 237-38. 139 The earliest know description of Japan suggests a marked nautical orientation. See San guo zhi, 30.854-55. The Samguk sagi ( 1:20 [ Silla Basic Annals 1 ] ) dates a foray on the Korean seashore by one hundred japanese warships to a early as 14 A.D. For “ maritime China as a minor custom, ” see John K. Fairbank, “ nautical and Continental in China ‘s history, ” in The Cambridge History of China, vol. 12 : republican China 19121949, platinum. 1 ( Cambridge : Cambridge Univ. Press, 1983 ), 12-13 .